Lasting peace will not be quick coming, but with
pragmatism and compromise, argues Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, it can be
achieved
Do you see a swift resolution to
the difficulties facing the region?
After four years of war, and
hundreds of thousands wounded and killed, no one can expect the implementation of
the Dayton Peace Agreement to be without its problems. It will take a lot of
time, patience and effort on everyone's part to establish a lasting peace. The
difficulties should be dealt with gradually, in compliance with the letter but
also with the spirit of the peace agreement.
Any peace agreement can
only be reached through compromise, and compromise means that the demands of
individual parties cannot be met completely. Such a compromise solution, in this
case the Dayton peace accord, can be effective only to the extent that the
parties involved understand that it is the only possible way to protect their
basic interests, and that the benefits of the agreement will outweigh the costs.
Of course, the efficiency of the agreement also depends upon the concrete support
of the international community, and on its determination to implement the
agreement at the civilian as well as military level.
I believe that the
maintenance of peace is in the interests of all parties involved, and the
Croatian military's victories in Bosnia (with the Croatian Defence Council, the
HVO and the Bosnian Army) have thwarted any serious opposition to the peace
process. After the Serbian defeat in the summer of 1995, the Belgrade leadership
understood that the imperialist dream of a Greater Serbia had failed. The
Bosniacs in their turn noted that it was impossible to have a unitary,
centralised Bosnia, while the Croats in Bosnia saw in the compromise solution a
guarantee of their survival and equality within the Bosniac-Croat Federation and
its links with Croatia. The historical, religious, cultural and 'civilisational'
contrasts which have clashed in this area since ancient times - from the fall of
the Roman Empire through the religious schism to Ottoman conquests and the
Austro-Hungarian administration - have conditioned the failure of Bosnia as a
unitary state, while its violent disintegration was caused primarily by the
imperialist Greater Serbian ideology.
What are the
government's priorities in 1996?
Our immediate priorities in 1996
include the economic integration of the newly-liberated areas (Western Slavonia,
Kordun, Banija, Lika and northern Dalmatia) and the still-occupied regions
(Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium), the reconstruction of those
parts of the country destroyed by war, and the return of displaced people. To do
this, we must speed up economic reform, privatisation and bank rehabilitation and
establish more efficient creditor protection.
In the long term, Croatia,
by leaving the Yugoslav socialist system, has firmly committed itself to an open
market economy, to the building of a democratic political system, to the rule of
law and to the welfare of its citizens. There is no doubt that all of these can
be achieved - but only on the basis of a stable economy. In other words, low
inflation and the growth of output, employment and the standard of living are the
fundamental frames of reference for the future. This is more than wishful
thinking: Croatia has the lowest inflation rate of all the countries undergoing
the transition to a market economy and renowned institutions, among them UBS and
the Deutsche Bank, put Croatia high on their lists of successful countries in
terms of inflation rates and expected growth rates.
To what extent will the suspension of
trade sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro in 1995 affect Croatia's prospects
for economic growth?
Croatia has an open economy. Most of its trade
is with EU and CEFTA countries (80 per cent of imports and 75 per cent of
exports), though, with the normalisation of political relations (ie recognition
within internationally recognised borders), Croatia will be interested in
normalising economic relations with Serbia and Montenegro. We are naturally keen
to establish mutually beneficial trade relations with our neighbours as
independent and sovereign countries. However, this will not have a dramatic
impact on our economic development: people tend to forget that the Yugoslav
federation, in the 70 years of its history, never functioned as an economic
whole. Croatia's trade with the former republics accounted for a relatively low
percentage of its overall trade, lower than its trade with other countries.
Because of this, the transformation of internal trade into foreign trade,
necessitated by the collapse of Yugoslavia, was not the heavy economic blow it
was for the former Comecon countries - though undoubtedly it had an adverse
effect.
The government is keen to attract foreign investment.
What incentives does Croatia offer?
The Constitution guarantees
investors that their rights, acquired through the investment of capital, cannot
be infringed. The Constitution also provides for the free transfer and
repatriation of profit and invested capital, but naturally after all lawful
liabilities in Croatia have been met. It should be pointed out that Croatian
Company Law affords foreign investors the same rights as those enjoyed by
domestic entrepreneurs.
The rate of profit tax paid by both domestic and
foreign business in Croatia is among the lowest in Europe at 25 per cent. Foreign
investors are exempt from customs duties on the import of equipment, provided
that the equipment accounts for at least 20 per cent of the total investment, and
that the investment relates to a period of time longer than five years.
Another important point is that Croatia has accepted full convertibility in the
current account of the balance of payments by adopting Article VIII of the IMF
Charter. Bearing in mind Croatia's international reserves, which total around
US$2 billion, these are sufficient guarantees to confirm the high degree of
convertibility of the national currency - the kuna - over the longer term. In
terms of its geopolitical position and development potential, Croatia is of
interest to Asian and other countries as a gateway to Europe, and to western
European countries as a gateway to south-eastern Europe.
What will be
the priority sectors for foreign investment in coming years?
It is
difficult to pinpoint specific areas as developmental priorities: we advocate the
comprehensive economic development of Croatia based on market principles.
Nevertheless, I can say that we are clearly focused on the speedy construction
and modernisation of the infrastructure as the foundation for rapid economic
progress. We are particularly concerned with the construction of modern road and
rail facilities and, in view of the size of the task, we look forward to foreign
investment in the form of, for example, concessions, joint ventures and loans,
because we cannot do the job with our resources alone.
The privatisation
process is another area in which we are looking for foreign investment. Over the
past five years, foreign investment in the privatisation process has totalled 1.7
billion kuna - a not inconsiderable sum given the war risk in this period. This
amount does not include Croatian expatriates' investment, which comes to an
additional half a million kuna. The Croatian Privatisation Fund manages a
portfolio with a book (nominal) value of about 60 billion kuna covering a wide
range of companies. This implies great potential for the entry of foreign
capital.
Foreign investment is expected not only to increase output, but
also to introduce new technologies, modernise the Croatian economy and introduce
state-of-the-art management techniques - all focused on improving economic
efficiency. Private enterprise already accounts for about 50 per cent of
production and employs half the country's workforce.
In our view,
Croatia has great foreign investment potential because of:
The
tourist industry has been damaged by the conflict. How does the government plan
to rehabilitate this important sector in coming years?
Unfortunately, over the past five years the tourist industry has been
considerably affected by the aggression against Croatia in several ways. First,
normal transport links with the country were disrupted - particularly links with
the south, the most popular region with tourists. Second, a large stretch of the
Croatian coast was either under direct attack (Dubrovnik, Zadar, Sibenik and
Biograd, to name but a few towns) or in the immediate vicinity of the fighting.
Third, many tourist facilities were destroyed during the war, while many others
were used to accommodate the country's half a million displaced people and
refugees. (As late as September 1995, 32,000 displaced people remained housed in
176 tourist facilities.) The liberation of the occupied parts of Croatia has
eliminated the main negative impacts on Croatia's tourist industry - but the
damage remains: an estimated 450 million kuna will have to be invested in the
reconstruction of tourist facilities and hotels.
We will not stop at the
reconstruction of what has been destroyed: we also wish substantially to enhance
the level and the range of our tourist industry. We plan to secure funding for
this from, among others:
Bearing
in mind the natural beauty of the Adriatic coast and the interior (for example,
the Plitvice lakes and forest hunting grounds), I certainly expect exceptional
investor interest. It must also be borne in mind that the development of the
tourist industry will depend primarily upon overall economic development in
Croatia and on the expected improvement of political relations in this region.
Where do you see Croatia at the turn of the century?
Croatia has never lost its European features, despite the attempts of others,
most recently the Serbs, to turn the country into something it is not. Croatia's
place is again within the community of states and peoples of western European
culture and civilisation. The hesitation - even the opposition - of certain
circles in Europe to Croatia's progress towards European integration is therefore
neither justified nor conducive to the creation of a community of European
states. I am convinced that, by the end of the century, Croatia will no longer
stand at Europe's door, but will be an associate member as an independent,
democratic and economically progressive state.
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©Kensington Publications 1996